Washington, March 27, 1934.

THE beginning of a true democracy of labor may be seen in the constructive program of peace in the motor industry set forth by President Roosevelt.

If the men who carry out the settlement are actuated by the same broadgauged statesmanship which motivated Mr. Roosevelt, then there will be cause for rejoicing, indeed, for the President has regained much of the ground lost since the NRA began its one-sided handling of the labor problem several months ago. Today the Government of the United States has restored the balance as between employers and employees and the Government is again the umpire, the neutral force that causes both sides to respond and obey.

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Stripped of all the camouflage, both sides in the auto controversy really won important points, which is a very fortunate way for a dispute to end. Only in this case it was not a patched up compromise designed to alleviate a temporary situation. It went to the fundamentals and almost overnight straightened out something that has been holding back the whole recovery movement in America.

The President cleared the air when he said that workers' elections to choose their spokesmen shall be free from coercion from any quarter. That word had to be spoken sooner or later. Up to now it meant that employers could not influence their men but it did not mean that the labor organizers were in any way bound to let workmen do their own thinking and choosing.

Unquestionably the labor organizer and the employer will have respective opportunities to argue their case for or against one type of union or another. But the Government makes it clear that it is not interested in any one type--that's the workmen's affair.

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If, for example, the A. F. of L. is the best type for a particular group of workmen, they will be a free to choose it. If the ad-called vertical union or organization of crafts within a single industry becomes the popular type, that, too, will be the workmen's affair. It will be a free choice.

Incidentally, the pending Wagner bill lists a good many unfair practices with respect to employers but says nothing of unfair practices by labor organizers. If there is to be new legislation on this subject, undoubtedly it will not be one-sided. The controversy in the auto industry has settled that point. As a matter of fact, there is no real need for rigid statues. The famous collective bargaining provision known as 7A in the National Industrial Recovery Act was specific enough until questions of good faith entered into its interpretation.

Today the set-up promised as a result of the avoidance of a strike in the motor industry points the way to peace in the labor world. The problems are by no means all settled. Many of them will present new an difficult aspects because both sides will continue to jockey for position. But it is significant that lists of members both of employee unions and A. F. of L. groups must be made public.

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The motor car manufacturer's contended for the principle that they should not be dictated to by one union and that the workmen be freed from outside coercion. On this point the motor executives won out, but labor, on the other hand, managed to get the process of collective bargaining more clearly defined. Labor has adopted the wise course in deciding to consolidate its position, taking advantage of the gains it has already gotten under the NRA instead of bringing on a strike which would have meant suffering to millions and a setback to the industrial progress of the country.

The fact that partisans can still listen to the voice of reason and that the Government is still the master of the spirit of fair play is heartening in these days of conversation about economic and physical force and revolution. The American way of sitting around the table and respecting each other's conviction has really been triumphant. For what we are witnessing is one of those progressive steps so often misunderstood but best described in Woodrow Wilson's phrase: "Pence without Victory."