From the title and the name of the author one would naturally think that this book related to present conditions in Russia, but it doesn't. It does, however, help to explain the efforts of Lenine and Trotsky in Russia during the past three months by uncovering the underlying motives which controlled their actions,--ideas which, it must be admitted, they have endeavored to live up to consistently. Briefly, these ideas are that the only hope for proletariat control of government is through international socialism accomplished by world-wide revolution; that capital has become international and that the war against capital must likewise be international; that if the present war continues much longer all of the working people will disappear under the fire of the guns, and hence the one thing needful is peace,--peace obtained in any possible way, peace at any price.

As a book it is most disappointing. It is not in the form of an argument to support his position. It is rather a wail that the socialistic parties of Austria and Germany have deserted the cause of internationalism to shout and fight for the Fatherland. The book is full of quotations from socialistic papers to show how the workers of the middle empires have yielded to the cause of nationalism. It is also a violent denunciation of Germany with its so-called "feudal-monarchical organization based upon a mighty capitalistic foundation". The bulk of the book, with its chapters on the Balkan question, Austria-Hungary, the war against Czarism, the collapse of the International, and Socialistic opportunism, was written in New York before the Russian revolution.

The rest of the story is to be found in the press dispatches from Russia, which tell how this able, forceful, enthusiastic international radical in the capacity of Minister of Foreign Affairs, without a shred of patriotism, with no love either for Russia or for Germany, has tried to stop the war on the east by methods which are likely to be highly disastrous to the Russian proletariat, and to prolong instead of shorten the war. Trotsky may not be pro-German, but neither is he pro-Russian. Such a leader can never build up a new Russian nation. Kerensky was making an honest effort to do so, by getting all parties to work together. The task was too difficult for him and the captivating platform put forth by the internationalists, some of the planks of which are undeniably good, aided by German intrigue, steadily won the Russian workmen and soldiers. Soon they will learn their mistake. Trotsky will pass from the stage and his book will likewise pass, for it has neither literary, historical or inspirational value. Only for one reason is it worth reading, to find out what international socialists are thinking about the war. This, however, is no unimportant matter, because the contest of the proletariat against capitalism is world-wide. Whoever with radical sympathy reads the book with its destructive tone should also read the constructive political platform of the British Labor Party, now in the making. Much may be said in favor of international policies, but internationalism without patriotism will wreck civilization.